Hungary at a crossroads. These elections will decide whether Orban's betrayal of European values will finally end [OPINIA]

Hungarians are preparing to vote in the elections on April 12, which will determine the direction of their country's development in the coming years. They face a question that would have seemed impossible a generation ago: whether they will choose to remain a respected member of the Western democratic alliance, or whether they will follow Viktor Orbán's path of authoritarian isolation, rapprochement with Putin, and the systematic destruction of everything their ancestors fought for.
This isn't just another election cycle. It is a referendum on Hungary's place in Europe and its commitment to the values that once made the country a symbol of resistance against oppression.
The irony is profound: a nation that rose up against Soviet tanks in 1956 is now under the leadership of a man who is courting the favor of a despotic Kremlin, sabotaging European unity while Russian missiles rain down on Ukrainian cities, and who has transformed Hungary from a promising post-communist democracy into what observers are increasingly describing as a “hybrid regime” — a polite term for a creeping one. authoritarianism.
Viktor Orban's Hungary has become the black sheep of the European Union by choice, not by accident. These are deliberate political actions aimed at maximizing Orban's personal power while positioning Hungary as a saboteur within Western institutions.
As Ukraine struggles to survive in the face of Russian aggression, Orban has consistently blocked or delayed EU aid packages, vetoed sanctions against Moscow and maintained warm relations with Vladimir Putin even as the Russian president wages an aggressive war that threatens European security.
Orban's betrayal goes even deeper. He cynically exploited Ukraine's situation for electoral gain, blaming Kiev for problems ranging from energy costs to regional unrest. In its electoral discourse, Ukraine, the target of unjustified aggression, is portrayed as an antagonist, while Russia's role as an aggressor is either downplayed or ignored.
This distortion of the truth serves Orban's internal political goals: by blaming Ukraine, he diverts attention from his own political shortcomings and presents himself as the defender of Hungary's interests against a fabricated threat.
This strategy not only disregards the courage and sacrifice of Ukrainians, but also exposes the moral shortcomings inherent in Orban's program.
Hungarian Foreign Minister Peter Szijjarto and Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov before the meeting of the Russian president and the Hungarian prime minister at the Kremlin in Moscow, November 28, 2025.ALEXANDER NEMENOV / AFP POOL / AFP / AFP
Hungary's top diplomat, with insight into confidential European Union discussions and strategic deliberations, admits to sharing this information with a hostile power currently waging war against a European neighbor, without expressing any remorse or acknowledgment of wrongdoing.
When a foreign minister openly admits to leaking EU information to the Kremlin with no apparent shame, it shows that Hungary under Orbán has abandoned all semblance of European solidarity.
EU member states must now hold talks on security, sanctions and aid for Ukraine, aware that Hungary may play the role of an intermediary in contacts with Moscow. NATO allies must share intelligence with Budapest, knowing that Szijjarto treats classified information as currency to exchange with Lavrov. The damage to trust will take years—maybe even decades—to repair.
When Hungary blocks aid to Ukraine, it provides support to the aggressor and prolongs a war that has already claimed hundreds of thousands of lives.
When Orban delayed Sweden's accession to NATO for months, he weakened the alliance that provides protection to Hungary itself.
When Szijjarto leaks EU information to Lavrov, he turns Hungary from a problematic ally into an active security threat.
Trump's admiration for Orban is a wake-up call
There is an unavoidable bitter irony: Hungary, which has benefited enormously from NATO enlargement and EU membership, they now act as a Trojan horse in both of these institutions.
This pattern goes beyond foreign policy. Orban has systematically cultivated relationships with right-wing extremists and illiberal leaders around the world, from Marine Le Pen to Donald Trump, from Jair Bolsonaro to various autocrats who share his disdain for liberal democracy.
His government became a magnet for American members of the MAGA movement seeking a model of “Christian nationalism” and for European populists seeking recognition. [Były strateg Donalda Trumpa] Steve Bannon praised Orban as a visionary. [Konserwatywny podcaster] Tucker Carlson broadcast from Budapest, portraying Hungary as a right-wing paradise. And Orban himself openly talked about building an “illiberal state”, rejecting the very foundations of Western political philosophy.
Trump's repeated praise of Orbán as a “great leader” and “strong man” – held up as a model of governance – reveals what his admiration really means. What Trump admires is not accidental: dismantling democratic institutions, neutralizing independent media, taking control of the judiciary, and consolidating power in the hands of one leader. These are tactics that Trump himself has tried to employ and that he has promised to expand if he returns to power.

US President Donald Trump welcomes Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban at the White House, Washington, November 7, 2025.SAUL LOEB / POOL / AFP / AFP
This affinity between Trump and Orban should alarm every Hungarian who values democracy. They see democratic norms as obstacles, use nationalist rhetoric for personal gain, and share admiration for Vladimir Putin.
For Hungarian voters Trump's praise should serve as a warning rather than a confirmation. When authoritarian leaders around the world praise your leader, when those who openly advocate illiberal governance hold him up as their role model, you must realize what your country has become.
Trump's admiration for Orbán is not proof of Hungary's strength – it is proof that Hungary is turning into a parody of what a country belonging to a democratic world should represent.
Democracy being dismantled piece by piece
The situation is similar in Poland. According to reports by human rights organizations, legal experts, the European Union and investigative journalists, Orban has spent 14 years systematically dismantling the checks and balances that limit executive power.
Independent media have been suppressed through a combination of economic pressure and legal harassment. The judiciary was filled with loyalists. Electoral laws were rewritten in favor of Fidesz. Public contracts go to oligarchs linked to the ruling party, creating a patronage system that would shame even a 19th-century political leader.
Civil society organizations face constant harassment. Universities were subjugated or completely driven out of the country, as the Central European University found out when it was effectively expelled from Budapest.
Orbán's Hungary is a complex reality: a country in which democratic structures have been preserved, but the essence of democracy has been eroded, where elections are held, but conditions are so skewed that real competition becomes almost impossible, and opposition to the government can lead to economic consequences or legal action.
Despite this, Orban uses the rhetoric of Hungarian nationalism and historical reluctance. He refers to the Treaty of Trianon, advocates the defense of Hungarian sovereignty and presents himself as a defender of traditional values against the alleged moral decline of the West. However, this constitutes a significant distortion of Hungarian history.
Lajos Kossuth and the revolutionaries of 1848 fought for constitutional government, civil liberties, freedom of the press, and national self-determination within the framework of law and rights. Their position was characterized by opposition to arbitrary power and a demand for accountability from those in power.
The heroes of the 1956 uprising, fighting against Soviet control, demanded democratic governance, civil liberties and autonomy in shaping their own fate, free from external influences. Their sacrifice took place in the fight against totalitarianism.
However, Orban's actions, which he claims are consistent with their heritage, are in fact a denial of their basic principles.
Orban appeals to Hungarian pride, at the same time making Hungary a pariah in the European communityj. He talks about sovereignty, while making Hungary dependent on Russian energy and Chinese investments, as well as alienating Western allies who guarantee Hungarian security.
His nationalism is the nationalism of resentment and isolation, not the nationalism of 1848 or 1956, which was fundamentally about freedom and dignity. The revolutionaries fighting for Hungarian independence sought integration with democratic Europe, not rapprochement with the authoritarian powers in Moscow and Beijing.
The historical figure Orban actually increasingly resembles is Admiral Horthy, the quasi-dictator who ruled Hungary from 1920 to 1944 and allied the nation with hostile foreign powers, ostensibly in the name of national claims.
Hungary's international reputation has suffered catastrophically under Orban's leadership. Hungary, once hailed as a post-communist success, now often serves as a warning against the decline of democracy.
EU funds are currently frozen as a direct result of concerns over the rule of law.
International investors are becoming more and more cautious. There is a significant exodus of young, educated Hungarians seeking opportunities and freedoms that seem unattainable in their homeland.
Hungary's neighbors observe Budapest with a mixture of concern and disapproval, and their dissatisfaction is obvious. Orban's strategy comes at a price: isolation, a shrinking circle of allies, and a reputation that will require significant effort to repair.
The upcoming elections present Hungarians with a key choice. They may continue down the path set by Orbán — towards further isolation, deeper entanglement with authoritarian powers, the continued erosion of democratic institutions and the continued status of Europe's black sheep.
Or they can choose a different future: one in which Hungary regains its place as a respected member of the European community, honoring its democratic traditions and building a political system worthy of its history.
It's not about left vs. right or liberalism vs. conservatism. The issue is whether Hungary will remain a democracy or complete its transformation into an authoritarian vassal state.
The issue is whether Hungarian citizens will tolerate a foreign minister who passes on his country's secret information to Moscow. The question is whether they will accept a prime minister who blames the victims of aggression while courting the favor of an aggressor who draws praise from aspiring autocrats and who has made Hungary synonymous with obstruction and bad faith.
The stakes are specific and direct. Further isolation means freezing EU funds that could modernize infrastructure and create jobs. This means that young Hungarians will leave for countries where democratic institutions still function. This means that Hungary's voice will be less and less important in European councils, and its credibility will be questioned by every ally.
Most importantly, it means watching the remnants of Hungarian democracy being dismantled piece by piece until the damage becomes irreversible.
The Hungarians know what they have to do. Their neighbors and the rest of the free world hope they make the right decision.




