The harsh line followers of the war advocate for Vladimir Putin to formally declare war on Ukraine, an unusual request, if not bizarre in the middle of the bloody bombings of Moscow, reports The Telegraph, which cites sources from within.
Vladimir Medinski and Vladimir Putin at the commemoration of the Second World War EPEFE
The Ukrainian operation with drones launched from trucks caused “shock and anger” at the Kremlin, a high -ranking Russian official said. A second official told The Telegraph: “Like any rational patriot, I consider it a personal tragedy.”
In some circles, the reaction was so dramatic that it caused new calls to Putin to “declare war” on Ukraine-an insistence that may seem confident about Western observers, given that the war has already entered the fourth year and is considered the bloodiest in Europe from the Second World War.
But the hard core of Russia's harsh nationalist elite is animated by Putin's conviction has not been far enough, that they should officially declare war, recruit another million soldiers and destroy the government of Volodimir Zelenski, with greater rocket attacks on Kiev.
“Explosions, drones, sabotages and, possibly, even terrorist attacks are what the future reserves if the Zelenski regime is not completely destroyed,” said a high -ranking official of the Russian government, who admits that he has a harsh line conception.
“If Ukraine ceases to exist in its current form, clandestine crime will be demoralized,” he said.
Those with similar beliefs claim that the Kremlin has maintained the same cautious approach, despite the extensive Ukrainian attack that damaged if not destroyed at least 20 Russian strategic bombers, according to American estimates.
“This did not catalyze a political discussion or a change in the format of military operations,” said a former Kremlin's high -ranking official, who in the past was at the forefront of operations against Ukraine.
“In the economy of the Russian system, where inertia and maintaining the current balance are essential, this fact says a lot.”
Another source, from an analysis center close to the Russian Ministry of Defense, was even more sharp: “Could the president declare war on Kiev? At this moment, unlikely. No matter how cynical it may sound, leadership is satisfied with the current situation.”
Radicali even by Kremlin's standards
Traditionally, the opposition to Putin came from liberal critics. But from the large -scale invasion, a new generation of nationalist opponents has appeared, figures that claim that the Russian president shows too much caution.
The roots of this opposition date from 2014, when some of them accused Putin of not fully supported the Russian separatists in eastern Ukraine. One of the most important is Igor Girkin, former FSB officer and an important figure of “angry patriots”, a faction that pleads for the total destruction of Ukraine.
After criticizing how Russia managed the war, Girkin was closed for extremism in 2024. “Serve the Fatherland!”, He shouted after Verdict.
This opposition may seem marginal, but it actually exerts an important influence within the Russian security apparatus.
“The fact that they are guys with weapons means that the Kremlin must at least be aware of their existence,” commented Mark Galeotti, British historian and expert in Russia's security.
Why would Russia need to declare war on Ukraine?
Putin calls an undeniable fact for most in the West a special military operation ” – but for Russia's supporters is a crucial distinction that can make the difference.
They claim that only a formal declaration of war would allow large -scale escalation – daily attacks with intercontinental missiles, mass mobilization and even the use of tactical nuclear weapons.
Earlier this month, the nationalist Podcast Russians with Attitude made the following comment: “Liberal Putism has its advantages – comfortable, modern and almost resistant to sanctions.”
“An authentic experience of the 21st century. But the disadvantages are clear – war with gloves, the spark of the enemy leadership and the dislocation of the failure.”
Currently, most Russian soldiers are volunteers attracted by salaries of about 200,000 rubles (1,900 pounds) per month – a significant amount in rural areas. On the other hand, the declaration of some war would allow the mobilization of two million reservists.
Emily Ferris, an analyst in Russia at the Royal United Institute (Russian), offers the following explanation “The government and authorities would essentially receive a white book to put the country on the war.”
However, even though the bloodshed continues, the Kremlin took care to protect most of the Russians from its effects. At the beginning of the invasion of 2022, Putin banned the words “war” and “invasion” in the media.
The recruitment focused on the peripheral regions, not in Moscow or St. Petersburg, where the mass deaths are likely to become visible.
Artiom, a researcher in the field of Cyber Security in Moscow, who wanted not to give his real name, said that most young people trust Putin's decisions, because the country “holds their heads” and the standard of living remains high despite the sanctions.
Cracks in the illusion of Russia's invincibility
It is expected that the Kremlin will spend 6.3% of GDP for defense this year, the largest amount from the Cold War, but is not an amount that would have been waiting for a country in full war.
For comparison, Ukraine spent 34% of its defense GDP last year.
“Mobilization undermines economic stability,” explained a current government employee.
According to him, Putin's close friends are able to convince the Russian president that mass mobilization would be a step towards the failure of the war effort.
“And why would this be needed now? We have Kalibr missiles, we have volunteers. Their resources are not yet exhausted,” he added.
In addition, the new wave of mobilization would mean not only economic pressures, but also a public recognition of the fact that the Kremlin has no success in his three -year war against his neighbor.
“It is too expensive recognition in a situation in which it all depends on the illusion of control,” said a former Kremlin's high-ranking official.
Although this illusion is doomed to break down at one point, the experts still appreciate that Putin's army will be able to fight at the current pace until next year. if not years from now.
“I think next year will be the moment when a certain number of economic chickens will return home to nest,” said Galeotti. “But the Russians will be able to bear this war.”
The popularity of Putin has increased vertiginously since the invasion of Ukraine, according to state polls and those of the Leveda Center, an independent institution that frequently attracted the wrath of the Kremlin.
But the situation could change if Putin announces mass mobilization.
“As soon as you call this war, every parent whose child does the military service or is going to do the military service soon will begin to be afraid that he will be sent to the front,” said Galeotti.
In other words, climbing is not without political risks. While nationalist bloggers and influencers of pro-war are Telegram and Pro-War comments, the Kremlin is conscious of how fragile could become internal control if the war would really reach the country.
This explains the brutal repression of Putin: there is no longer an organized party in Russia.
The prominent figures of that camp – and the liberal opponents – were removed. Wagner chief, Evgheni Prigojin, who at one point had been close to Putin, was killed in a supposed bomb attack a few weeks after his failed revolt. Ghirkin is in prison.
Simultaneously, security services tighten their control over radical patriotic and nationalist circles, which have become more active after invasion.
“So far, no power center inside the country is able to impose its will on Putin,” said a source close to the management of the state.
Putin's limits
Despite the aggressive rhetoric, Putin's ability to climb is not unlimited. It is even the answer to the spider's canvas operation.
In view of the extent of the attack, the supporters of the war had demanded a massive response. They didn't receive it.
The horror that Ukrainian cities like Kiev and Kharkov during the massive drone bombing of the last days cannot be underestimated. But the reprisals were limited, both according to Western standards and Russia's expectations.
“The answer to the spider's web operation could have been much worse. This would have been the right time for a major answer, but they didn't,” Ferris said.
Experts believe that Putin's army does not have the necessary resources. Despite disputes on tactical nuclear weapons and strategic missile attacks, Russia does not have the ability to launch the kind of missile dams that some of its nationalists dream of, writes The Telegraph.
“There is always room for climbing,” said Galeotti. “Maybe Putin could launch a few hundred additional drones a day. But that's all.”
